Washington resets the strategic calculus with disruptive acts

Published in The Australian, 7 January 2026.

Too often, Western analysis of the Trump administration collapses into caricature: incoherent, narcissistic, strategically illiterate and dangerously disruptive of a benign “rules-based order”. Operation Absolute Resolve in Venezuela will likely get the same treatment.

Such commentary cannot get past its own sense of cultural offence at Donald Trump’s style and rhetoric to seriously engage with the substance of what is unfolding. It fails to separate the noise from the sound and mistakes discomfort for insight.

Worse, it assumes that because Trump offends liberal sensibilities, he must therefore lack strategic understanding. That assumption is wrong.

The actions taken against the Maduro regime by the Trump administration should not be understood as the misguided and impulsive theatrics of a narcissistic president but as a deliberate execution of stated US strategy and as a signal that this administration means what it says.

What Trump understands is that America’s adversaries have spent decades learning how to play the global system as it actually exists, not as Western capitals wish it to be. They exploit legalism, institutional inertia, moral hesitation and escalation aversion to entrench power, launder legitimacy and shift facts on the ground.

They do so patiently, asymmetrically and with ruthless clarity about interests.

Trump’s objective is not to preserve a failing system in its degrading form but to disrupt it and reset the cost calculus.

The reason America’s adversaries react most sharply to his actions is precisely because they recognise the threat he presents to their operating model.

Trump’s 2025 national security strategy explicitly warned that decades of inaction had allowed “non-hemispheric competitors to make inroads into the hemisphere”, describing this failure as “another great American strategic mistake”. Unlike many such documents, this was not rhetorical scene-setting. It was a statement of intent and it is now being enforced.

The strategy identifies China as the US’s principal strategic rival and makes clear that their competition is not confined to the Indo-Pacific or Europe. It is global, cumulative and systemic.

Influence banked in Caracas weakens deterrence in the Taiwan Strait. Energy leverage secured in Latin America cushions coercion elsewhere. Diplomatic cover traded in New York is cashed in Geneva, The Hague and the South China Sea. Strategic rivalry does not respect geography.

Venezuela under Nicolas Maduro became a textbook case of this dynamic. What began as domestic authoritarian decay metastasised into something far more dangerous: a platform for external powers to project influence into the Western hemisphere, erode US credibility and entrench a network of criminality, repression and geopolitical alignment hostile to American and allied interests.

China’s role was central. Beijing invested more than $60bn into Venezuela through loans, infrastructure projects, military co-operation and diplomatic backing.

These were not commercially rational decisions. Nearly half of all Chinese lending in Latin America and the Caribbean ended up concentrated in a country whose economy collapsed by roughly 75 per cent between 2014 and 2021 and that suspended repayments in 2020. Any claim that China persisted for domestic financial reasons collapses under scrutiny.

China stayed because Venezuela delivered strategic returns.

First, it advanced Beijing’s longstanding ambition to weaken US influence in the Western hemisphere and promote a multipolar order less constrained by Western norms. Second, it offered privileged access to the world’s largest proven oil reserves, insulating China from future energy shocks or Western pressure. Third, it secured an all-weather political ally.

Maduro’s government reliably supported Beijing’s positions on Taiwan, Hong Kong, Xinjiang and the South China Sea while rejecting scrutiny of China’s human rights record. This was ideological alignment in service of power. These positions should matter to Indo-Pacific allies, especially Australia. Every authoritarian vote mobilised in support of China’s territorial claims chips away at the rules-based order on which regional stability depends.

The notion that Venezuela is somehow irrelevant to Asia misunderstands how strategic competition works in practice.

Trump’s national security strategy thankfully makes clear that the US will no longer tolerate hostile powers using weak states, criminal networks or ideological fellow travellers to undermine American security from within its own hemisphere.

What distinguishes this administration is that it has moved from diagnosis to execution.

That credibility matters because our adversaries take words seriously, even if we do not. Xi Jinping has been explicit about China’s intent to revise the international order and reunify Taiwan, by force if necessary. Vladimir Putin told the world, repeatedly, that Ukraine was not a real state before he invaded it. Iran’s leadership openly proclaims its goal of destroying Israel and exporting revolution.

These statements were not bluster; they were warnings. The West ignored too many of them, to its cost.

The same standard should now be applied in reverse. When the Trump administration states it will secure the hemisphere, dismantle narco-terrorist networks and confront regimes that function as strategic assets for adversaries, it should be assumed to mean exact­ly that. The Maduro operation demonstrates that this is not theoretical positioning

This brings us to the unresolved moral and strategic question at the heart of the international system: why are dictators and transnational criminals so often afforded protections that shield them from accountability? Sovereignty was never intended as a blanket immunity for mass repression, electoral theft, narco-terrorism or strategic subversion. Yet international norms and institutions increasingly have been manipulated to delay justice, dilute sanctions and normalise impunity. The result has been neither stability nor peace but the entrenchment of regimes that externalise their dysfunction and invite hostile powers into positions of influence.

For the US, continuing to tolerate that system would directly contradict its own strategy and undermine its credibility with allies, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. Partners facing coercion from China need confidence that Washington will enforce red lines, not merely articulate them.

Strategic credibility is indivisible. If the US tolerates criminalised authoritarian regimes from it neighbours, its deterrence posture in the Indo-Pacific weakens.

The message now being sent is sharper: alignment with America’s adversaries, sustained repression and criminal governance carry consequences. Not eventually; not rhetorically. In practice.

This is not about regime change as an abstract objective. It is about restoring the principle that power does not grant permanent immunity and that strategic competition has rules that must be enforced if stability is to endure.

The real question, then, is not whether the US acted consistently with its strategy. It did. The more uncomfortable question, particularly for those still clinging to cartoonish readings of American power under Trump, is whether they are prepared to recognise that the global system has been gamed for years and that disruption, not complacency, is now the price of restoring balance.

The Labor Party Made Australia Safe for Antisemitism

Opinion article published in the Wall Street Journal, 19 December 2025.

Australia was a place of refuge for Holocaust survivors seeking safety and a new life. They joined a long-established Jewish community that helped to shape our modern socially cohesive nation. For Jewish Australians, the country represented safety, freedom and opportunity.

After the events of the past two-plus years, culminating in the Hanukkah Islamic Terrorist attack at Bondi Beach, Australia has forfeited this claim. The place to which Jewish people fled has now become a place some now feel compelled to flee. We are a broken-hearted nation. Australia has broken its promise to our Jewish community. 

The Labor Party, which has governed the country since 2022, must accept it’s share of responsibility for these events. Labor played a foundational role in Israel’s creation, but it has walked away from the Jewish state while antisemitism has taken root in Australia, particularly since Oct. 7, 2023. They have left our Jewish community feeling abandoned, alone and unsafe.  

Prior to Labor’s election in 2022, Australia’s support for Israel and the Jewish community was at a historic high-water mark under the Liberal Coalition Government I led. We joined the U.S. to oppose the shameful ritualized targeting of Israel at the United Nations. We ended Australia’s practice of abstention and voted against biased resolutions. Australia became a full member of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance, adopted its definition of antisemitism, increased funding for Holocaust museums, enhanced security for Jewish communities nationwide, and recognized Jerusalem as Israel’s capital.

We listed both Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist organizations and called out Iran’s use of proxies to destabilize the region and attack Israel. We made clear that Israel could depend on Australia. That ended when Anthony Albanese became prime minister.

There can be no clearer condemnation of Labor than the praise it received from Hamas following Australia’s unilateral recognition of Palestinian statehood.  That decision created political and cultural space for antisemitism to flourish at home. Weekly protests culminated in opponents of Israel marching across the Sydney Harbour Bridge, alongside those calling for a globalized intifada, death to Israel Defense Forces, and the elimination of the Jewish state “from the river to the sea”, while displaying portraits of Iran’s supreme leader. 

At the same time, Jewish professionals, artists and journalists were doxxed. Jewish businesses were targeted and forced to close. Homes were vandalized with violent slogans. Synagogues were attacked, including firebombings while worshipers were inside. Jewish students were ostracized on campus, and academics were intimidated into silence or conformity with a rigid “activist progressive’ orthodoxy on Israel.

In this environment, it is unsurprising that antisemites bent on violence convinced themselves that their moment had arrived. The warnings were clear but the government, either cynically courting Muslim votes or recklessly unleashing forces it didn’t understand, failed to act. The result was catastrophic: 15 innocent people dead, many more permanently wounded, a community traumatized, and Australia’s reputation descrated.

Australia must now write a new chapter, one of resilience, recovery and renewal. We must honor those we mourn: a Holocaust survivor, a 10-year-old girl, a beloved rabbi, a Jewish philanthropist, a young tourist, a brave police officer and others whose lives were cut short. We honor them by confronting hard truths.

Australia has been manipulated by cynical anti-Israel and antisemitic activists. The root cause must be addressed. Antisemitism is the first weapon that must be disarmed. Specifically, in this case, extremist Islamic antisemitism. These terrorists were homegrown. Theyt were radicalized in Australia. The father arrived decades ago; his son was born here. That reality demands accountability.

Leaders within Australia’s Islamic community must reform the institutional structures governing their faith. Unlike other religious communities, there are insufficient standards for accreditation, discipline, oversight and accountability. Islamic leaders have a pastoral responsibility to protect their adherents from corruption and radicalization, to keep the wolves from the flock. This is a necessary obligation for any faith group in a liberal democracy. Christian denominations in Australia have learned this painfully, most notably through the Royal Commission Into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse.

Government must also do better. Social-cohesion policy can’t be reduced to food festivals and cultural performances. It must include a security dimension. Under my government, social cohesion was integrated into our national-security framework through the Home Affairs portfolio. That approach has been abandoned.

Operational reviews following these attacks will identify further weaknesses, particularly in immigration screening, intelligence integration, gun laws and front-line policing. On Thursday the government belatedly said it would implement the recommendations of its own special envoy on antisemitism, which it ignored for nearly six months. These include enhanced visa screening for antisemitic views and visa-cancellation powers over foreigners who engage in antisemitic conduct. We’ll wait and see what actually get’s implemented.

The culture of permission for hateful protest, coercion and bullying, especially in publicly funded institutions such as universities, the arts sector and the Australian Broadcast Corp., must end. In many cases, the laws already exist. What is missing is political will to enforce them. 

Finally, Australia requires a comprehensive royal commission, as proposed by my former deputy leader, Josh Frydenberg. Such an inquiry must examine not only the events of Dec. 14, 2025, but the broader trajectory since Oct. 7, 2023, and the wider challenge of antisemitism in Australia. It must draw on expertise in security, counterterrorism, social cohesion, immigration and intelligence—not only law.

Australians are an optimistic people. Like our friends in Israel and the U.S., we believe in democracy and in the future. We have suffered a grievous blow, but we will recover. Above all, we must again honor the promise Australia made to its Jewish community and ensure this country is once again the safe haven and steadfast friend it once was. Am Yisrael Chai.

Statement on Anti-Semitic Bondi Terrorist Attack

14 December 2025

Unspeakable hate and evil terror has violated our country in the terrorist massacre that targetted Jewish Australians in Bondi this evening.

Prayers are firstly for the victims and their families tonight. I cannot imagine the horror, shock and devastation they have experienced today.

Also sending love and support to all Jewish Australians who have once again been subjected to the relentless anti-semitism unleashed in Australia since October 7, 2023 and that has remained unchecked, too often leaving our Jewish community feeling isolated and abandoned.

This must drastically change for Jewish Australians to feel they can live safely in our country like any other Australian.

A very special thanks and heartfelt commendation to all those Australians who have responded today with great courage and compassion, especially our brave police, our ambulance officers and paramedics, some of whom are in a serious condition this evening.

Praying that those who are being treated tonight will make a full recovery as well as for all those caring for them. Praying also for Jewish community and religious leaders who will once again have to hold their communities together in the face of this awful hatred.

Why the Defense of Taiwan Matters

Article published in The National Interest, 17 October 2025.

The defense of Taiwan matters morally, strategically, and historically. It embodies hope, freedom, and democracy in a region where all are under strain.

Preserving the status quo across the Taiwan Strait is not a niche concern that can be dismissed as someone else’s problem. Whether you’re in New York, Sydney, Tokyo, or Taipei, Taiwan matters. It is a threshold issue for regional peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific and every nation that values its own sovereignty, security, and freedom.

For those in the West tempted to stay out and “not poke the dragon,” let’s call that what it is: appeasement disguised as prudence. If Taiwan were to be forced under the control of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the consequences would not stop at the island’s shoreline. They would crash through global markets, alliances, and supply chains, reshaping the balance of power for decades to come. It would make the global economic shutdown triggered by COVID-19 seem like a sneeze.

As prime minister of Australia, I sought to strengthen alliances and build new partnerships such as AUKUS to deepen collective deterrence against the CCP’s ambitions to impose regional hegemony. From that experience, four truths stand out.

First, Taiwan’s future directly shapes our own. Preserving the status quo is not an act of altruism or convenience. It is essential to collective security and prosperity. The stakes are far greater than the price of semiconductors or even the survival of a vibrant democracy of 24 million people.

If Taiwan were to fall, the Indo-Pacific’s strategic geometry would shift overnight. The first island chain, which contains Chinese military might, would be broken, pushing US forces back to the second island chain and weakening their ability to provide an effective regional counterbalance. A CCP-controlled Taiwan would allow the People’s Liberation Army to project its air, naval, missile, cyber, and space-based power through the Bashi Channel and the Miyako Strait into the Philippine Sea.  

Maritime and air traffic between Japan, South Korea, and Southeast Asia would pass through effectively Chinese-controlled space. Peacetime harassment would become routine and crisis-time interdiction absolute. Missile arcs from Taiwan would push deep into the Western Pacific. Undersea sensors and anti-submarine aircraft would enable Beijing to track US and allied submarines as they transit the Luzon Strait. Japan’s and Korea’s energy sea lanes would be exposed to coercion, while subsea cables near Taiwan, the arteries of the digital economy, could be tapped or severed.

Second, a conflict over Taiwan would devastate everyone, including China. Once it begins, no one can simply reset the board. Even a “successful” invasion or blockade would inflict enormous military and economic losses, degrading the PLA’s capability and crippling China’s economy for years. The belief that a blockade might be a benign alternative is a dangerous illusion. A blockade is an act of war that is likely to escalate, resulting in massive losses for both sides. Sanctions would come first, but in such a compressed battlespace, one miscalculation could turn confrontation into conflagration overnight. 

Third, neither Washington nor Beijing has the bandwidth for a major war, yet. China’s leadership faces immense internal challenges: a collapsing property market, shrinking demographics, and the painful transition from debt-fueled, producer-led growth to consumer-led sustainability. The Chinese middle class has suffered intergenerational wealth destruction, and consumer confidence has collapsed. Rather than shift to household demand, Beijing has doubled down on overproduction, just as the United States and Europe are raising trade walls and tariffs. 

US tariffs under President Trump are forcing China to divert exports to Southeast Asia, India, and the EU. Still, these markets are already pushing back with anti-dumping actions, especially against subsidized electric vehicles. At the same time, US tariffs on goods from Vietnam and Mexico are reorganizing supply chains away from China, undermining its indirect access to Western markets. Manufacturing remains sluggish, deflationary forces persist, and household consumption is weak. China may yet navigate this transition, but its capacity to bankroll external aggression will not be what it has been in the past. Overextending in Taiwan now could prove existential if it fails. 

The United States, meanwhile, has its own challenges to contend with. Ukraine, the Middle East, the war on drugs in Latin America, domestic political volatility, landing bilateral trade deals, court challenges, and civil unrest make for a busy presidential schedule. That said, President Trump’s unconventional approach, which sows uncertainty in the minds of adversaries, combined with an evolving “peace through strength” posture, will likely deter any hasty action from Beijing while he is in office. Also, despite the CCP’s performative rhetoric, it is not in the US or China’s interest to conflate the status of Taiwan into the economic discussions on trade. 

Fourth, resilience and deterrence must be accelerated, militarily, economically, technologically, and psychologically. 

Militarily, Taiwan must double down on asymmetric denial—rather than pursuing parity with Chinese forces—to cripple invasion forces within the first 72 hours. That requires higher defense spending well above current levels and bipartisan unity to sustain it, which is currently lacking. Taiwan’s collaboration with the United States on missiles, launchers, and drones is progressing, but its volume, stockpiling, and indigenous production capabilities remain insufficient. 

Civil resilience is equally vital. Taiwan must harden its energy infrastructure, re-engage nuclear energy capacity prudently, diversify LNG supply, and protect key infrastructural nodes from cyber and physical attacks. In the space domain, it must eliminate single-provider satellite dependence, deploy high-altitude relay platforms to backstop undersea cables, expand earth-observation capacity, and harden and increase the mobility of ground control stations. Access to rapid launch and replenishment, potentially through allied sites in the United States, Japan, and Australia, is essential. 

Above all, Taiwan and its partners must win the information war. Taiwan is today’s West Berlin. The Berlin Airlift succeeded because the free world understood what was at stake. The same must be true now. Taiwan should demonstrate and communicate its determination to defend itself and why it matters. Allies should amplify that story not only in Washington, Canberra, and Tokyo but across Southeast Asia, Europe, and the Global South. Strategic ambiguity is US policy; strategic silence should not be our narrative.

For now, the strategic calculus for a blockade or invasion does not add up for Beijing. But that can change fast. To preserve peace, we must build the capacity and the coalition to keep it. That means preparing now, not debating later, and ensuring Beijing understands beyond any doubt that the cost of aggression would be catastrophic, not only for Taiwan, but for China itself.

Recognition of Palestinian state will not end the suffering

12 August 2025

The decision by the Albanese Labor Government to abandon the longstanding bipartisan policy on a two state solution to unilaterally recognise a Palestinian state, without any of the necessary prerequisites in place, will neither address the urgent priority to deliver much needed aid to Gaza nor deliver a viable two state solution that affords peace and security for Palestinians and Israelis and competent governance for the citizens of a Palestinian state.

It will prove a hollow gesture, like for all those who have taken this step before it. None should take any comfort in it. Meanwhile the suffering will regrettably continue in Gaza and the hostages will remain in captivity and be tossed into the graves their captors have forced them to dig. The only winner is Hamas.

In Government the Coalition listed Hamas as a terrorist organisation. Our Labor successors have regrettably rewarded them through this action. I know this is not their intention, but it is the result. The caravan of appeasement is not one we should join.

Rewarding terrorists will not eradicate their presence but embolden it, and their uncompromising and violent presence will continue to be the primary obstacle to peace and security in the middle east and any prospect of a genuine two state solution.

To the Australian Jewish community, I can only imagine the sense of betrayal you must feel. I remember October 7. Am Yisrael Chai.

Donald Trump’s strikes on Iran a necessary measure to achieve peace, not war in Middle East

Opinion article published in The Nightly, 22 June 2025.

The recent strike by the United States on Iran’s nuclear facilities marks a critical turning point in global security. It is not just a matter for the Middle East or for U.S. foreign policy. It is a test for all nations that rely on the strength and credibility of the international rules-based order and the western alliance for their security, Australia included.

Let me be clear, this strike was not an act of provocation. It was a necessary measure, undertaken as a last resort by a President who wants peace, not war.

The purpose was clear, to disrupt the capabilities of a brutal authoritarian regime that has openly defied international norms, supported terrorist proxies, and pursued nuclear weapons with increasing brazenness.

In times of geopolitical crisis, clarity of purpose and principle is essential. That is why I was compelled to speak out following the U.S. operation. What we have seen instead from the Australian government is a concerning lack of clarity and a reluctance to define where Australia stands when it matters most.

It is in times like this when allies look around to see who is with them. For a country like ours, deeply integrated into global economic and security networks, reliant on open trade routes and US led allied deterrence, strategic ambiguity is not a strength. It is a vulnerability.

Throughout my time as Prime Minister, I took the view that Australia’s interests are best served when we speak plainly and act decisively in defence of our values. That is why we stood firmly with our allies against China’s economic coercion. It is why we invested in AUKUS, strengthening our sovereign defence capabilities and deepening our technological integration with the U.S. and UK. it is why we worked so closely with our Indo-Pacific partners through the Quad to uphold regional stability. It is why we stood with Israel against those who sought their annihilation.

In this context, the U.S. strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities must be understood for what it is: an act of strategic deterrence, grounded in the reality that Iran has long been operating outside the bounds of good faith diplomacy. It is what President Trump meant when he spoke of peace through strength.

For years, Iran has methodically violated its obligations under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), enriching uranium well beyond civilian thresholds, restricting IAEA inspections, and hardening its facilities in preparation for exactly this kind of confrontation. Attempts to revive the nuclear deal have failed, not because the West abandoned diplomacy, but because Tehran refused to comply with the very terms it had previously accepted.

The question facing policymakers in Washington and, indeed, in Canberra is not whether we prefer diplomacy over conflict. Of course we do. It is whether diplomacy alone can halt a regime that has no intention of negotiating in good faith. At a certain point, the cost of inaction outweighs the risk of confrontation.

That is precisely where the United States found itself. Given Iran’s refusal to cooperate with international monitors and its aggressive posture across the region, including arming Hezbollah, enabling Hamas to commit atrocities on innocent Israelis, supporting Houthi attacks on Red Sea shipping, the Trump administration concluded that a targeted strike was the only viable option left. Only the US could have taken this step and President Trump should be commended for his courage and leadership, especially by allies.

This was not a broad campaign. It was a calibrated operation aimed at degrading the most advanced elements of Iran’s nuclear infrastructure specifically, targeting Natanz, Isfahan and Fordow. The objective was not regime change. It was to halt Iran’s progression toward nuclear weapons capability and to send a clear message that the West’s red lines still mean something.

Yet here in Australia, the official response from the government has been muted. No strong statement of support for the United States. That silence is telling.

It suggests a reluctance to confront difficult choices and to support our most important ally in the righteousness of the actions that have taken. I believe that such an approach is short-sighted and fundamentally misjudges the nature of the challenge we face.

Australia cannot afford to be passive in moments like this. Our voice matters, not just because we are a U.S. ally, but because we are a middle power with global responsibilities. We sit at the intersection of East and West, of advanced democracies and rising developing powers. Our stance sends signals across the region, from Beijing to Moscow, Jakarta to Seoul. We must make the case for resistance against authoritarian arrogance.

That doesn’t mean we should follow Washington blindly. It means we must be clear, consistent and credible in how we support a global order that has protected our prosperity and security for generations.

This is a time for strategic clarity, not ambiguity.Most importantly, we must ensure our own defences are fit for purpose. AUKUS is not a theoretical construct. It is a practical framework for dealing with the kinds of threats we are now seeing unfold. That means accelerating delivery timelines, investing in sovereign capabilities, and ensuring that deterrence in our own region is not eroded by distraction or delay.

The world is entering a more dangerous phase. The era of risk aversion is over. Strategic competitors are testing our resolve, our alliances, and our willingness to act in defence of shared values. The choices we make now will define the kind of world our children inherit.

We must choose clarity over confusion. Strength over silence. And principle over passivity. We must know who we stand with.

That is the standard Australia has upheld in the past. And it is the standard we must uphold again now.

Trump Can Launch the AUKUS Security Agreement to the Stars

Opinion article published in the Wall Street Journal, 18 June 2025.

No American president since JFK has shown more commitment to space, and the alliance needs to be looking to new theaters.

Time has borne out what I said to President Trump on the White House South Lawn in September 2019: While Australia may look to the U.S. as a vital ally, we will never leave it to America alone to deal with security issues. In that spirit, in early 2020 as prime minister I assigned a small team to engage Washington about the possibility of Australia acquiring nuclear-powered submarine technology. Two years later the Aukus agreement among Australia, the U.K. and the U.S. was born, amid bipartisan support in all three nations. Now, it’s time for Aukus to grow, and Mr. Trump is the right person for the job.

Aukus is a platform for collective deterrence against an axis of autocratic regimes threatening global and regional security, especially in the Indo-Pacific. The agreement’s first pillar enables Australia’s acquisition of its first nuclear-powered sub fleet. Its second pillar facilitates cooperation on advanced military capabilities, from quantum computing to hypersonic missiles. The Chinese Communist Party opposed Aukus vehemently—confirming its strategic value.

Aukus isn’t like other alliances. There are no free riders. Each nation must bring its own capability, commitment and strategic clarity to the table.

Australia is doing its part. Under Pillar I, by 2029 we will have invested up to $3 billion directly into the American defense industrial base to increase nuclear submarine production capacity. No other U.S. ally can make that claim. We are building our own fleet of SSN-Aukus submarines with the U.K. and upgrading infrastructure in Western Australia to support, service, and operate American, U.K., and Australian submarines from our western coast.

Some observers reacted to the Pentagon’s current review of Aukus as if it spells the alliance’s doom. But a review—which isn’t unusual for an incoming administration—is a chance to refocus and recalibrate.

The review is motivated by the shortfall of U.S. nuclear-submarine production. The current output of Virginia-class submarines is around 1.3 a year, below the 2.33 needed to meet both Aukus and American naval commitments. This threatens the timeline for Australia to acquire its first boats from the U.S. and ultimately undermines deterrence. Mr. Trump’s commitment to fixing this shortfall is welcome and essential.

America is also calling on Australia to lift its defense spending to above 3% of gross domestic product. That isn’t an unreasonable request. The U.S. can’t be expected to carry the world’s security burden in isolation, and Washington has been right to push for similar commitments from allies in and outside the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

Australia stood with America in every major conflict for over a century, even when others turned their backs. Our interests and loyalties are strongly aligned. A stable Indo-Pacific is critical to Australia’s security and prosperity. That includes protecting the status quo in Taiwan, freedom of navigation, and the rule of law. Washington can rely on us to turn up when it counts.

As the Trump administration examines how to improve Aukus, there’s another important factor—space. If our nations are serious about deterrence, then we must prepare for new theaters of geopolitical competition. The global space economy now exceeds $630 billion and is projected to nearly triple in value by 2035. But space is no longer a benign domain. It is contested, competitive and strategically vital. As Gen. Stephen Whiting, commander of U.S. Space Command, warned Congress this spring, space superiority has become foundational to homeland defense and global deterrence.

Beijing is already operating dual-use civil-military technology across its space sector—launching maneuverable satellites, conducting co-orbital rendezvous operations, and testing systems capable of disabling adversary assets, such as its Shenlong spaceplane. China has also deployed ground-based lasers and high-powered microwaves capable of targeting Western satellites. Russia regularly jams satellite communications and spoofs GPS, and Moscow has tested destructive antisatellite capabilities.

No American president since John F. Kennedy has shown more commitment to space than Mr. Trump, from backing the Artemis Moon to Mars program to creating the U.S. Space Force and promoting commercial innovation through public-private partnerships and now the Golden Dome. That leadership makes him the natural champion of an Aukus Pillar III that consolidates cooperation across launch systems, satellite architecture, cybersecurity, data integration and industrial innovation.

This would enable better coordination of allied space policies and create shared standards across defense and commercial systems. It should also provide a platform for integrating non-Aukus allies such as Japan and NATO members into the same architecture. That would make clear that the allies’ space systems are resilient, interconnected and can’t be targeted in isolation.

Australia brings unique advantages to this effort. We already host U.S. assets like the Space Surveillance Telescope and C-Band radar in Western Australia. We’re also leading the Aukus allies’ effort to develop Deep Space Advanced Radar Capability, or DARC. Due to be operational in 2026, DARC will track objects in geosynchronous orbit, which includes some of the most valuable and vulnerable satellite assets.

Our Southern Hemisphere geography gives us lines of sight inaccessible from the north. Australia is the only Five Eyes nation in the southern half of the planet with the large landmass and secure jurisdiction critical for both passive surveillance of space and active launch capabilities.

Our private space sector is also already working to establish new sovereign launch capabilities. I’m proud to be part of Space Centre Australia’s initiative to establish the Atakani Space Port near Weipa in northern Queensland. At a latitude of only 12 degrees south, it will be the closest equatorial launch site in a secure allied jurisdiction, superior in location to Florida’s Cape Canaveral or Texas’ Boca Chica. For polar orbits, Australia also has Whalers Way in southern Australia. Both launch corridors provide secure and commercially viable solutions for allied and dual-use payloads. These are the launchpads of deterrence in the space age.

Establishing a Pillar III would ensure that space, the ultimate high ground, is secured by free nations, not our enemies. America and Australia have stood shoulder to shoulder on land, at sea and in the skies. Now we must do the same in orbit.

US AUKUS Review: Perspective and Purpose

12 June 2025

The current US Department of Defense review of AUKUS is well within its remit and not unlike the strategic assessment recently conducted by the new UK Government following the election of Prime Minister Starmer. This is a departmental review, not a policy decision, and should not be over-interpreted.

The focus of the review is not new and rightly centres on US submarine production rates. This is a known and genuine challenge for the US industrial base. This goes directly to the maintenance and expansion of the US submarine fleet, and it’s an area where Australia is already uniquely contributing under AUKUS Pillar I. Importantly, this is also a challenge the Trump Administration is committed to addressing.

AUKUS is fundamentally about strengthening collective deterrence, particularly in the Indo-Pacific against potential adversaries. Pillar I is about more submarines, not fewer, across all three partners. Pillar II, and the development of the trilaterally-produced AUKUS-class submarine with the UK, continues to move forward with strategic purpose.

The case for AUKUS was first built on convincing the US and UK defence institutions during the period of the first Trump Adminsitration and the Johnson Government about the technical merit, sovereign capability, and shared security interests. It has enjoyed bipartisan and institutional support in both Washington and London from the outset. That foundation matters and was important to secure.

As the Pentagon leads this review, the depth of US-Australia engagement, the professionalism of our collaboration, and the consistent backing from Secretary Hegseth, as reaffirmed in his discussions with Minister Marles, remain reasons for continued confidence.

Now is the time for Australia to make the case again. We have a good case to make in both our own interests and those of our AUKUS partners, especially in the US.

Award of the Companion of the Order of Australia

9 June 2025

I am honoured and grateful to have been awarded the Companion of the Order of Australia. It was an immense privilege to be given the opportunity by the Australian people to serve them as their 30th Prime Minister of Australia from August 2018 to May 2022.

During this time Australia faced challenges and threats not experienced since the second world war. These ranged from unrelenting natural disasters and a once in a century global pandemic and the recession it caused, to coercion and intimidation designed to threaten our support for a free and open Indo-Pacific, a world order that favours freedom and our strong bond with allies and partners.

Australians responded to these events in the best traditions of Australian patriotism and mateship with trade-mark courage and a care for their country and one another. This was especially displayed by the men and women of our defence forces, both at home supporting their fellow Australians in crisis and serving our interests overseas. Australians showed their capacity and determination to adapt and overcome. This is why Australia proudly prevailed and will continue to be able to do so in the future. As Prime Minister it was these innate qualities of Australians that I and my Government relied upon to lead Australia through these myriad crises and keep Australians together.

However, we also took our opportunities. We worked to deepen and strike new alliances like AUKUS and embrace new economic opportunities by extending our trade partnerships and to develop our industries and skills and ensuring that Australia sought to live within its means. We did this to keep our economy strong, because we understood that a strong economy will always be the foundation for keeping Australians safe and delivering the essential services that Australians rely on.

In accepting this honour I thank the Australian people and my many colleagues, including State and Territory leaders and in particular Hon. Josh Frydenberg, Hon. Michael McCormack, Hon. Greg Hunt and Hon Marise Payne. I am also grateful to the Leaders of our AUKUS, QUAD, Five Eyes and Pacific family partners who I served with to take on the global challenges we faced together.

I thank the Liberal Party and the people of Cook for the honour of representing them in the Australian parliament. I am thankful to my many staff, led by Dr John Kunkel, for their dedication, skill and professionalism that enabled us to serve our country during incredibly testing times. Above all, I am exceedingly grateful to my wife Jenny, daughters Abbey and Lily, my mother Marion and late father John, and all my family and friends for their self-less love, support and sacrifice that enabled me to follow my passion to serve our country.

In closing I acknowledge my Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the author of my faith, in whose joyful service and care I will remain forever. God bless Australia.

80th anniversary of bilateral relations with the Netherlands

17 April 2022

As Australia and the Netherlands mark 80 years since the establishment of full diplomatic relations, we can reflect with pride on the warm friendship we share.

From the Duyfken’s exploration of the north coast of Australia in 1606, to the contribution made by generations of the thousands of men and women of Dutch heritage to this country, Australia and the Netherlands share enduring bonds of friendship and family.

Our historic defence ties, forged on the battlefields and in the skies of the Second World War, were strengthened most recently by our military partnership in Afghanistan. Today, we stand united in support of the rules-based international order, our defence of human rights and the rule of law.

As we continue to pursue truth, justice and accountability for the downing of MH17, we also stand together in supporting Ukraine as it defends its sovereignty and territorial integrity. 

Australia values our cooperation with the Netherlands in supporting our neighbours in the Indo-Pacific, to ensure a region that is open, stable and resilient.

The strong trade relationship between Australia and the Netherlands is the foundation for our collaboration in other areas, such as the green economy and cyber security. Through our growing engagement with global fora, we will cooperate to advance our mutual economic prosperity and stability.

For 80 years, Australia and the Netherlands have worked in unison to build and enhance our strong bilateral relationship. I am proud of what we have achieved in the name of friendship and cooperation, and I look forward to the many opportunities that lie ahead.

https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-44186

Brisbane 2032 Board

10 April 2022

Premier and Prime Minister announce the final five Board directors and Andrew N. Liveris AO as the President of the Organising Committee Board for the Brisbane 2032 Olympic and Paralympic Games

Leaders of business and industry have been named among the final five people who will be the President and independent directors on the Board of the Brisbane Organising Committee for the 2032 Olympic and Paralympic Games (OCOG).

The five comprise:

Andrew N. Liveris AO (President) Chairman Lucid Motors and Blackrock Long Term Private Capital. Former Chairman and CEO of Dow Chemical Company. Former student Brisbane State High School and The University of Queensland. 

Rob Scott Olympian. Silver medallist rowing 1996 Atlanta. President and Chairman Rowing Australia.  CEO and Managing Director Wesfarmers Ltd.

Sarah Kelly OAM. Associate Professor Marketing and Law - The University of Queensland, Deputy Chair Brisbane Lions AFLFC and Tourism and Events Queensland. Queensland leader of the Minerva Network mentoring professional sportswomen with women business leaders. Awarded a Medal of the Order of Australia for services to sports administration and tertiary education.

Brett Clark Founder and Managing Director ePharmacy. Managing Partner Chemist Warehouse Qld and Northern NSW. Chairman Queensland Rugby Union. Former Director Queensland Ballet. Brett is well known for philanthropic and community work including Mater Little Miracles and Bridgeworks.

Shelley Reys AO. Co-Chair Reconciliation Australia, CEO Arrilla Indigenous Consulting. Instrumental in events including The People’s Walk for Reconciliation, Parliament’s Apology to the Stolen Generation, Australia Day and the Australian of the Year Awards. Partner and Board Member KPMG Australia.

Prime Minister Scott Morrison said the Commonwealth and Queensland Governments had worked closely to select leaders who would bring the experience, skills and drive that would help make the Games a success.

“These Games aren’t just an opportunity for our next generation of sporting talent, but they’re an opportunity to further unlock the potential of Queensland and spread the benefits across the country,” the Prime Minister said.

“The Board of the Organising Committee represents some of this country’s most successful leaders who will ensure the 2032 Games are the world’s best ever.”

The Premier and Minister for the Olympics Annastacia Palaszczuk said the Board reflects a breadth and depth of experience that also has its heart firmly in Queensland.

“This will be the biggest single transformational event in a generation,” the Premier said.

“Our job is to honour the commitments I made to the International Olympic Committee (IOC) but also provide a lasting legacy for our State and I am confident that is exactly what we will achieve.”

The five new independent directors join 16 other directors who come from diverse backgrounds, including multiple Olympic and Paralympic representatives.

Other board members include John Coates AC, Vice President of the IOC and the President of the Australian Olympic Committee (AOC), the President of Paralympics Australia Jock O’Callaghan, Brisbane Lord

Mayor The Right Honourable Councillor Adrian Schrinner, three-time Olympian Bronte Barratt OAM OLY and the triple Paralympic gold medallist Kurt Fearnley AO PLY.

Adrian Schrinner Lord Mayor of Brisbane City Council said the critical stage of forming the OCOG Board for Brisbane 2032 was an important step forward.

“We are officially off and running now with the Board announced, and with 10 years to go we have time to ensure Brisbane is ready to be on the world stage in 2032.”

John Coates said Andrew Liveris is well-known to the IOC as the Chair of a former worldwide sponsor of the Olympic Games and the IOC is well-known to him.

“He adds tremendous value and international credibility.

“The strong representation of Olympians and Paralympians on the Board will ensure athletes remain the focus of our preparations,” Mr Coates said.

Mr Jock O’Callaghan, President of the Australian Paralympic Committee said Brisbane 2032 was already setting a new standard.

“I am pleased to see the diversity of the Board, with representatives advocating for our First Nations People, and voices championing accessibility, inclusion, and the regions to ensure tangible and meaningful conversations are had at the Board table,” Mr O’Callaghan said.

Mr Liveris, the newly announced President of the OCOG Board, led Dow as a TOP (The Olympic Partner) sponsor of the IOC in 2010, becoming the Sustainability Partner to create the ‘Green Olympics’, with London 2012 being the first of its kind in minimising the impact of the Olympics on the environment. Recycling technologies for building materials and water management were introduced, as well as designing and implementing carbon emissions and climate change strategies.

Mr Liveris said he expects his new role will be one of the greatest and most satisfying opportunities to contribute to Australia.

“I have worked around the world and I have always attributed my success to my study at the University of Queensland, so Brisbane holds a special place in my heart.

“I am honoured to have been asked to make an important contribution to our State and nation in this critical role,” Mr Liveris said.

The Board will ensure the OCOG raises revenue through sponsorship, philanthropy, ticketing and Brisbane 2032 merchandise, manages the temporary overlay and operation of the venues, and recruits the

Brisbane 2032 volunteers, to make the Brisbane 2032 Olympic and Paralympic Games a memorable and successful experience for all.

The inaugural meeting of the OCOG Board will be held later this month.

The Board of the Brisbane Organising Committee for the 2032 Olympic and Paralympic Games (OCOG)

President:

• Andrew N. Liveris AO

Vice Presidents:

• The Honourable Annastacia Palaszczuk MP, Premier and Minister for the Olympics

• Senator the Honourable Richard Colbeck, Federal Minister for Senior Australians and Aged Care Services and Minister for Sport

• The Right Honourable the Lord Mayor of Brisbane Councillor Adrian Schrinner, Brisbane City Council

• Mr John Coates AC, Vice President of the International Olympic Committee and AOC President

• Mr Jock O’Callaghan, President of Paralympics Australia

Board Directors:

• Robyn Smith, Australian member of the International Paralympic Committee Governing Board

• Matt Carroll AM, CEO of the Australian Olympic Committee

• The Honourable Steven Miles MP

• Mayor of Redland City Councillor Karen Williams

• Ted O’Brien MP

• Bronte Barratt OAM OLY

• Kurt Fearnley AO PLY

• Patrick Johnson OLY

• Natalie Cook OAM OLY

• Tracy Stockwell OAM

• Rebecca Frizelle OAM

• Sarah Kelly OAM

• Shelley Reys AO

• Rob Scott OLY

• Brett Clark

Brisbane 2032 Olympic and Paralympic Games Organising Committee Summary of the Board Directors

Andrew N. Liveris AO (President)

Andrew N. Liveris AO is a proud Australian with strong ties to Queensland. He moved to Queensland as a teenager and studied at Brisbane State High School, before graduating with a degree in Chemical Engineering from The University of Queensland in 1976, where Mr Liveris recently established an Academy for Leadership and Innovation to nurture leaders for the 21st century. His career at Dow Chemical spanned 42 years, with roles in manufacturing, engineering, sales, marketing, business and general management, across three continents. This culminated in Andrew serving as Chairman and CEO for 15 years for an organisation that employed over 60,000 people across 160 countries. He is currently Chairman of Lucid Motors and Blackrock Long Term Private Capital, a director of IBM and the Minderoo Foundation and is a member of The B Team. Mr Liveris has significant experience and relationships globally across the public, private and philanthropic sectors and is dedicated to making the Brisbane 2032 Olympic and Paralympic Games memorable and successful for all.

Sarah Kelly OAM

Dr Sarah Kelly OAM is an accomplished business leader and company director, with over 20 years of combined experience within the sports, marketing, law, education and waste management sectors.

In addition to a PhD in sports marketing and her legal qualifications, Sarah holds an MBA and a Bachelor of Commerce from The University of Queensland where she is an Associate Professor in marketing and law and the co-leader of a trust, ethics and governance research hub. Sarah is currently the Deputy Chair of The Brisbane Lions AFLFC and Tourism and Events Queensland.

Sarah is passionate about sports and its impacts on local, national and international communities. She is the Queensland Leader of the Minerva Network, a national network uniting female business leaders with professional sportswomen through mentoring, advocacy and training, and Founder and Director of the Sports Diplomacy Alliance. In 2021, Sarah was awarded an Order of Australia Medal for her services to sports administration and to tertiary education.

Shelley Reys AO

Ms Shelley Reys AO is a Djiribul woman of far north Queensland and a respected Indigenous specialist, strategist and service provider. She has been a leader in the corporate, Indigenous and reconciliation space for nearly three decades.

As CEO of Arrilla Indigenous Consulting, Shelley has been helping the Australian workforce to work in the Indigenous space with greater skill and confidence. She is also a Partner and Board member of KPMG Australia.

She is known for her role in leading large conversations and events of national importance, including The Walk for Reconciliation across the Sydney Harbour Bridge, Parliament’s apology to The Stolen Generations, Co-Chair of Reconciliation Australia, and Vice Chairman of the National Australia Day Council. Shelley has been named by the Australian Financial Review as one of Australia’s 100 Women of Influence and awarded the prestigious Officer of the Order of Australia in honour of her nation-building work. Her vision is “to create a culturally competent Australia, one workplace at a time”.

Brett Clark

Mr Brett Clark is the Founder and Managing Director of ePharmacy and the Managing Partner of Chemist Warehouse stores in Queensland and Northern NSW. He negotiated the merger of the two companies in 2004, which is now the largest privately owned pharmacy group in Australia with over $6 billion in sales and more than 500 stores employing approximately 17,000 staff.

Brett has enjoyed a lifelong connection to Rugby and played at Brisbane Boys Grammar School. He is currently the Chair of Queensland Rugby Union (QRU) as well as Chair of the QRU Foundation, which aims to improve participation and enjoyment across all levels of Rugby Union in Queensland. Brett was also a director of Queensland Ballet for 10 years, and served the last six years of his tenure as Chair before retiring in 2019.

Brett is a well-known philanthropist in Queensland and has assisted his wife over the past 15 years in raising over 1.5 million dollars for the Neo-Natal Intensive Care Unit at the Mater Hospital in Brisbane. He has also held past board and committee positions in the not-for-profit sector, including Chair of Bridgeworks - a registered training organisation owned by the Sisters of Mercy, and a founding committee member of the Mater Little Miracles.

Rob Scott OLY

Mr Rob Scott OLY is a dual Olympian in rowing, having stroked the Eight at the Barcelona Olympic Games in 1992 and winning a silver medal in the Pair at the 1996 Atlanta Olympic Games. He has been the President and Chairman of Rowing Australia since 2014 and oversaw preparations for the 2016 Rio and 2020 Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games.

Rob has significant experience in business, leadership, major projects, governance and public affairs, across a range of industries in Australia and internationally. He is the CEO and Managing Director of Wesfarmers Limited, a top ten ASX-listed company with an annual turnover of $34 billion and employing over 120,000 people. Rob has previously worked with Deutsche Bank in Asia and Australia in various investment banking roles and is a past President of the Insurance Council of Australia.

Rob holds a Master of Applied Finance degree from Macquarie University and a Bachelor of Commerce degree from the Australian National University. He is a qualified Chartered Accountant and has completed the Advanced Management Program at Harvard Business School.

https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-43953

Australia To Gift 20 Bushmasters To Government Of Ukraine

8 April 2022

The Australian Government will provide further support to the Government of Ukraine by gifting 20 Bushmaster Protected Mobility Vehicles, including two ambulance variants, to aid the Government of Ukraine’s response to Russia’s unrelenting and illegal aggression. Australia’s response follows a direct request from President Zelenskyy during his address to the Australian Parliament on 31 March 2022.

The Bushmaster was built in Australia to provide protected mobility transport, safely moving soldiers to a battle area prior to dismounting for close combat. The Bushmaster is well suited to provide protection to the Ukrainian Armed Forces soldiers and Ukrainian civilians against mines and improvised explosive devices, shrapnel from artillery and small arms fire.

The 20 vehicles are painted olive green to suit the operating environment. Additionally, a Ukrainian flag is painted on either side with the words “United with Ukraine” stencilled in English and Ukrainian to acknowledge our commitment and support to the Government and people of Ukraine. The ambulances will have the traditional Red Cross emblem.

The Bushmaster will be fitted with radios, a global positioning system and additional bolt-on armour increasing their protection. Defence will continue to work with the Government of Ukraine to develop a suitable logistics support package, while training will be conducted through Army video training with Ukrainian subtitles.

To date, Australia has committed a total of around $116 million of Defensive Military Assistance to Ukraine, the addition of these vehicles takes our commitment to around $165 million. In addition, Australia is delivering 70,000 tonnes of coal to power Ukraine’s resistance, on top of $65 million in humanitarian assistance for the people of Ukraine, with a focus on protecting women, children and the elderly, including for food, shelter and emergency medical supplies.

The Government will not disclose further specific details of delivery arrangements at the direct request of Ukrainian officials and our other partners.

The Australian Government will continue to identify opportunities for further Defensive Military Assistance where it is able to provide a required capability to the Ukraine Armed Forces expeditiously.

Australia stands with the Government and people of Ukraine, and calls on Russia to cease its unprovoked, unjust and illegal invasion of Ukraine. The Australian Government will continue to take steps, together with our partners, to ensure Russia pays the highest possible price for its actions.

https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-43947

Australia To Deliver Anti-Armour And Ammunition To Ukraine

8 April 2022

The Australian Government will provide further military support to the Government of Ukraine in response to Russia’s unrelenting and illegal aggression.

This $26.5 million package of anti-armour weapons and ammunitions for the Ukrainian Armed Forces will further boost the capabilities Australia has supplied that have proven critical on the battlefield so far.

This will bring Australia’s total military assistance to date to approximately $191.5 million. 

This extra support comes on top of the 20 Bushmaster Protected Mobility Vehicles we announced today that our Government is gifting the Government of Ukraine.

The Government will not disclose specific details of the new package, or delivery arrangements, at the direct request of Ukrainian officials and our other partners.

Our Government will continue to identify opportunities for further military assistance where it is able to provide a required capability to the Ukraine Armed Forces expeditiously.

Australia may be thousands of kilometres away but we’re standing side by side with Ukraine against this illegal invasion with arms, equipment, aid and even energy sources.

This fight is important because not only are Ukrainian lives and their lands at stake, but so are the principles of freedom and the rule of law.

Australia stands with the people of Ukraine, and again calls on Russia to cease its unprovoked, unjust and illegal invasion of Ukraine.

https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-43950

Interview with Tom Elliot, 3AW

8 April 2022

Tom Elliott: Scott Morrison, the Prime Minister, joins us right now. Prime Minister, good morning.

Prime Minister: Good morning, Tom.

Elliott: Well, I know that the election is unofficially on, because we're all out campaigning. Or at least you are. When are you going to call it?

Prime Minister: Oh, it won't be very long from now. You know, it's coming up to three years in the middle of May. Since the last election. And I've always said that, you know, that’s the time for the election. Others have speculated, I've always been pretty clear in my mind and upfront with the Australian people about it. So that's coming up soon. That's when it was expected to be done, that's when it will be held. And the election gives people the opportunity to take a good look at the choice, and this election is a choice, not a referendum. It's a choice between the Liberal Party and the Nationals and Labor supported by the Greens. Our future plans and our track record of the economy and national security, and plans we don't know anything about from Labor and the Greens. They're an unknown. It's a choice between what you know and what you don't know.

Elliott: The polls say that you're not doing too well. Do you reckon you'll win?

Prime Minister: Yeah, look, I'm confident in the Australian people that as we get to this election, as people focus on the choice that's before them, that they will make a choice that will ensure that Australia continues to be strong in very uncertain times. There are incredible pressures on our economy. There are incredible pressures on our national security. And now is not the time to be changing course. Australians have worked incredibly hard, over what has been an extraordinarily tough three years and we need to keep going in the way that we have, which has made Australia one of the strongest economies coming out of this pandemic in the advanced world.

Elliott: In about half an hour, I'm going to speak to the CEO of the National Australia Bank, Ross McEwan, and there's a story in the The Age this morning saying that the big banks are going to lift interest rates four or five times in the next six months. Do you think that's going to exacerbate cost of living pressures on Australian families?

Prime Minister: Well, there are lots of pressures on the Australian economy and there are those pressures. There's no doubt about that. That's going all around the world. I mean, inflation is running double in the United States what it is here in Australia and significantly higher in the United Kingdom and in many other developed economies around the world. And that's why strong financial management in the years ahead is going to mean more than anything, and we've had a steady hand on those issues. We have retained our AAA credit rating in one of the worst economic crisis the country’s ever seen. When we talk about the global financial crisis, you know, back when Labor was in power, what we've been through in the last three years, 30 times worse than that and our employment outcomes have been 50 per cent better. We've actually got unemployment down in the middle of an economic crisis. Under Labor it went up.

Elliott: Do you think cost of living will always be lower under a Liberal Government than a Labor one?

Prime Minister: I think the pressures on keeping cost of living down we will always be able to manage better than the Labor Party because we know how to manage money. We know how to retain a AAA credit rating. We know how to grow the economy. And that's been proven in one of the most difficult times that Australia has faced over the last three years. But pressures come from everywhere, and the issue is how you deal with them. And we've had to deal with the toughest set of circumstances we've seen since the Great Depression in our economy and on national security - the hardest we've seen since the Second World War and on both of those, Australia is stronger and that's what we promised to do.

Elliott: You've pushed the price of petrol down, or at least Josh Frydenberg has, by halving the excise from 44 cents to 22, but it's only a temporary cut in the excise. Now it's going to apparently go back up in September. Will you commit to raising it again in September or will you just revisit the idea then?

Prime Minister: Well, this is a temporary and targeted measure to provide immediate relief to cost of living that's responsible. It's affordable, and the reason it's affordable is we've turned the budget around by over $100 billion in the last 12 months as the economy has recovered strongly from the policies we put in place to see the economy through the pandemic and to ensure we were building and recovering strongly on the other side. So it is responsible and it is providing immediate relief. Treasury estimates that the fuel price, the oil barrel price, will be coming back to more regular levels over that period of six months. New Zealand did it for three months. We believed it would take longer than that. And so we've done it for six months.

Elliott: Now, Katie Allen, who represents the seat of Higgins. She's one of your colleagues in the Parliament. She conceded today that your unpopularity as Prime Minister is likely to weigh against her in the upcoming poll, the upcoming election in Higgins. Why do you think that you are unpopular, at least in Melbourne?

Prime Minister: Well, I don't know if that's the case right across Victoria, right across Melbourne at all. But you know, look, when you're a Prime Minister, you've got to be strong. You've got to be resilient. You've got to make decisions that take the country forward. And I accept that not every decision that I've taken over the last three years has met with everybody's agreement. It's been the most extraordinary last three years that anyone could have imagined, particularly going into it. And so of course, we don't claim to be perfect, but what we do claim is that the results on our economy, the results on our national security and the plans for the future that draw on that success. They're real. You know who we are. People know who I am. No one knows who Anthony Albanese is, they don't know what he's going to do. He's had three years to tell the Australian people what he's going to do. He hasn't. Why won't he tell us? What we did find out the other day, though, is he's going to lift the cap on taxes in this country. I put that cap in place to ensure that taxes would not rise to a level in this country that would slow down the economy and cost jobs. Now, his Shadow Treasurer confirmed they're getting rid of the limit on taxes. Why would you do that unless you had plans to raise taxes?

Elliott: Well, sure, and I saw Jim Chalmers talking about that. But the limit on taxes is a bit weird. It's 23.9 per cent, but spending is at least 3 or 4 per cent higher than that. I mean, is there much point to having a limit on taxes if you don't have a commensurate limit on government spending?

Prime Minister: Well, the taxes is what is levied on income taxes, company taxes. There are also other revenue streams into the government that are on top of those, and that's what balances the Budget. So, you know, so but the thing that really ...

Elliott: But the Budget, the Budget's not balanced?

Prime Minister: No, it's not balanced yet, but it was balanced then we hit the pandemic. That's, that's very important. We spent all of our time, we put the limit on taxes, we said we're not going to balance the Budget by raising taxes. We're going to put a limit on taxes and we're going to grow the economy and we're going to keep being careful about our expenditure. And that's what we achieved before the pandemic hit. And having a limit on taxes actually puts a limit on ensuring that you have constraints on your spending. That's how you do budgets. I've, I've done eight of them. The leader of the opposition has done none. I did one as a member of the Expenditure Review Committee, three as Treasurer and four as Prime Minister. That's how you do budgets. You've got to control your taxes so you don't slow the economy down, and they want to take the brakes off taxes and you've got to keep control of your expenditure and make sure your expenditure is wise and growing the economy and are guaranteeing essential services.

Elliott: Three years ago, you had a good run against Bill Shorten because Bill Shorten had all these unpopular policies. You know, he wanted to get rid of negative gearing. He wanted to tax franking credits. He wanted to, you know, he told coal workers he was on their side and he told the greenies he was on their side. This time around, though, Anthony Albanese isn't saying much at all. Does that make him difficult to campaign against?

Prime Minister: Well, I think it's the same crew, but different problems. I mean, now they won't tell you who they are. I mean, at least Bill Shorten was upfront with people about what he was going to do. I mean, no one knows what Anthony Albanese will do because he hasn't told anyone. And he sort of wants to skate off to an election without any scrutiny. There's been a pandemic. There's been many issues that have, quite understandably, the Australian people have been very focussed on, and that's why this election campaign is really important. He wants a quick little election campaign to run off to the polls and hope nobody notices that they don't know who he is. We don't know who he is. I know who he is. I've known him for a long period of time, and he's pretending to be someone very different as we go into this election. And what I know is when things really get tough, you always rely on the principles and things you've believed in for a long time. And, and with Anthony Albanese, we haven't seen a more left-wing Labor leader, I think, since at least Gough Whitlam and probably before that.

Elliott: Now Tuesday night, you had your now infamous run in with angry pensioner Ray Drury up at Lake Macquarie. Are you going to now avoid interacting with the public like that, or will you keep campaigning the same way?

Prime Minister: We'll keep going to say way. And look, Ray, I listened to respectfully and carefully. And we've been following up with Ray since that night, and he was upset about some rather difficult circumstances in his own life. And, you know, as a member of Parliament, as a Prime Minister, you listen, and you listen carefully and people have been through a tough time over the last three years. And I understand that and I think for many of them that's leaving them very angry. They're sick of the lockdowns that were put in place.

Elliott: But Ray was specifically angry about his disability pension and various other things. Have those issues for him been sorted out?

Prime Minister: Well, they're very complex, is my point. I mean, it was a combination of things. It was in New South Wales iCare compensation scheme. So it was a overlay between that and the pension scheme and how income is determined, it was very complicated and there were some rather complex integration issues as well. So I listened carefully to Ray. I understood where he was coming from. He'd been... These are problems that he's been dealing with for 11 years, going right back to when Labor was in power, so I can understand his frustration.

Elliott: Now, a couple of nights ago, one of your Liberal Senators, South Australian Alex Antic, asked the Federal Health Secretary Brendan Murphy, to define a woman and Brendan Murphy could not do it. He sidestepped the question. Just to avoid any confusion could you define for us what a woman is?

Prime Minister: A member of the female sex.

Elliott: Member of the female? Why couldn't Brendan Murphy say that?

Prime Minister: You'd have to ask him.

Elliott: Yeah, but he's one of your senior health, he’s the senior health bureaucrat. Why is it so difficult, do you think?

Prime Minister: Well, I don't think it is.

Elliott: That's good, he seems to disagree.

Prime Minister: I'm not- Look, public servants are independent. And I've relied heavily on many things that Brendan and, you know the Secretary of the Treasury, and Prime Minister and Cabinet, but we're the government, they work for us. We set out the policies and they implement them. And a woman is a member of the female sex. I think that's pretty straightforward.

Elliott: Well, you might need a sternly worded letter from your Prime Minister's Office to tell him that. Hey, now look, finally, before I let you go, three and a half years ago at the MCG, I gave you a Carlton jumper and you laughed at it. You laughed at it and said, didn't they finish last? I don't know if you've noticed, but this year they're three and zero and they're third on the ladder. Has Josh Frydenberg convinced you to start wearing it around the place?

Prime Minister: No look, I will always be who I am, as everyone knows in Melbourne, I'm a mad NRL fan. I love going to the AFL and I appreciate the jersey. I've still got it. I've been given jerseys, I think, by almost every club over the last three years, but I think it's a magnificent sport. The people know I'm an NRL fan, and I don't pretend to be anything. I'm not. People know who I am. I know they might not agree with everything I've done. But with me, you know what you're going to get. And you know, the track record of performance we've had in government and getting us through the pandemic and the plans for the future. So it's a choice between what people know and what they don't know. And in uncertain times, you want to go with what you know.

Elliott: Scott Morrison, thank you for your time.

Prime Minister: Thanks very much.

https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-43948

Jobs Boost As Work Begins On $1 Billion Defence Investment In Victoria

8 April 2022

The Morrison Government’s more than $1 billion defence contract for new self-propelled howitzers for the Australian Army has marked a significant milestone with the start of construction of an Armoured Vehicle Centre of Excellence at Avalon, near Geelong.

Prime Minister Scott Morrison today led the sod-turning for the Armoured Vehicle Centre of Excellence, which will build the self-propelled howitzers and armoured ammunition resupply vehicles.

The Prime Minister said the project would deliver a major economic boost for Geelong with more than 300 jobs to be delivered over its lifespan.

“With the turn of the sod today at Avalon we are keeping our promise, securing Geelong’s rightful place in our country’s advanced manufacturing and defence industry, creating skilled jobs and delivering huge economic benefits for the region,” the Prime Minister said.

“As construction ramps up it will create up to 100 jobs, and once this cutting edge facility is up and running around 300 locals will be employed at the site.

“Importantly, several local businesses will be engaged along the way to help deliver this critical $1 billion defence project. This includes an Australian-owned Victorian-based construction company that will build this $170 million facility with completion by 2024.

“This project is a clear demonstration of my Government’s commitment to securing a strong economy and a strong future for all Australians, with investments in both our economic and national security.

“When Labor was last in Government they delayed this project, before cancelling it entirely when they drove down defence spending to its lowest level since before the Second World War.

“In contrast, Australians know they can trust my Government to make the tough decisions and make strategic investments that secure Australia’s interests in an increasingly uncertain world. Since we have come to office we have rolled out our plan to protect Australians, and this $1 billion contract is a key part of that plan.”

The turning of the sod today follows the signing of a $1 billion defence contract in December last year for the new self-propelled howitzers, which was awarded to Hanwha Defence Australia.

Based in Greater Geelong, the contract will procure self-propelled howitzers and armoured ammunition resupply vehicles under the LAND 8116 Phase 1 project. The Government committed to this project in May 2019.

Hanwha will build 30 of the self-propelled guns and 15 armoured ammunition resupply vehicles used to replenish stocks of artillery shells on missions.

Minister for Defence Industry Melissa Price said the $1 billion contract again demonstrated the Morrison Government’s commitment to supporting jobs in Australia’s growing defence industry.

“This project will create hundreds of jobs, with more than 90 per cent of vehicle sustainment to be completed in Australia,” Minister Price said.

“The opportunities for our defence industry are significant and will benefit local companies until the late 2040s.

“The self-propelled howitzers are just the latest step in the Morrison Government’s 10-year plan to invest $270 billion to increase Defence capability, not only securing the defence of our nation but bringing enormous benefits to our defence industry.

“The big advantage of these highly mobile, hard-hitting weapons is that they can fire, and immediately move, before any enemy can accurately locate them.

“The new guns, mounted on tracks and with heavy armour, offer much better protection to their crews in the face of nuclear, biological, chemical and radiological threats.

“The result is that our troops have a mobile and versatile weapon system that gives them the best possible chance of successfully completing their mission and returning home safely.”

https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-43949

More Assistance For Queensland Flood Victims

7 April 2022

Further disaster assistance will be extended to flood-affected communities in Queensland, with an additional package of support worth $771 million to be co-funded by the Commonwealth and Queensland Governments.

This additional funding means the Federal Government is providing over $1.3 billion and the Queensland Government is providing around $700 million to support Queenslanders affected by this recent flood event.

Prime Minister Scott Morrison said although primary responsibility for this proposal was to be delivered by the Queensland Government, the Federal Government was stepping up to support Queenslanders.

“Queenslanders just want these issues to be addressed and for funding to continue to support residents and businesses in need,” the Prime Minister said.

“I know many people are still doing it tough and I want to ensure the only focus of my Government is to support their needs.

“To date, the Federal Government has committed over $1.3 billion in flood relief support to Queensland residents and businesses affected by this most recent flood.

“This includes paying out more than $383 million to the bank accounts of over 451,000 Queensland flood victims. These payments are 100 per cent funded by the Federal Government without support from the Queensland Government.

“As part of our agreement, I look forward to the Queensland Government providing regular public transparent reporting on how they are getting money into the pockets of Queenslanders in need.”

Minister for Emergency Management and National Recovery and Resilience Bridget McKenzie said this next package of assistance was funded under the Disaster Recovery Funding Arrangements.

“Australians want their leaders to be getting on with the job and supporting people who need it. They don’t want us playing politics with disaster victims. What people need is the hope and confidence to carry on with their recovery,” Minister McKenzie said.

“That’s why the Commonwealth has agreed to a package of support for Queensland which focuses on resilience and mitigation.”

The new package of support for Queensland includes:

• $275 million Resilient Household Rebuild Program

• $350 million Voluntary Buy-Back Program

• $6 million industry and community education program

• $100 million Resilient Household Raising Program

• $10 million property level flood information project; and

• $30 million for extensive clean-up.

This assistance will be provided for the 23 Local Government Areas affected by the recent floods and severe weather.

“The significant devastation wreaked by these floods across Queensland is something this government is determined to mitigate against, now and in the future,” Minister McKenzie said.

“I have seen the impact on Queenslanders first hand, I have walked the streets with survivors and I know this next wave of support will enable residents in flood ravaged communities to build back better and become more resilient to future disasters.”

Queensland’s Acting Premier Cameron Dick also welcomed the announcement.

“We are pleased to work with the Commonwealth Government to deliver this nation-leading program to help Queenslanders build back better,” Acting Premier Dick said.

“The program will mean many Queenslanders who have suffered multiple flood events can now have peace of mind.”

This announcement is in addition to the $558 million package agreed by the Commonwealth and Queensland Governments on 5 March to support primary producers, small business and local councils and sporting clubs.

For more information visit recovery.gov.au.

https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-43946

Interview with Graeme Goodings, FiveAA

7 April 2022

GRAEME GOODINGS: The Prime Minister of Australia has joined us now, Scott Morrison. Prime Minister, thanks for being with us today.

PRIME MINISTER: G'day Graeme.

GOODINGS: You've got some announcement or something you'd like to say about the submarines?

PRIME MINISTER: I've heard some of that misreporting that's been occurring in relation to the building of nuclear powered submarines. And I just want to put people's minds at rest. I mean, there's no change to our policy here. We will build submarines in South Australia, and we will build as much of them in SA as we possibly can. And any suggestion that's being made to the contrary is just frankly false and misleading.

Of course we need to get them built as quickly as possible. But that doesn't change our commitment to build as much of those submarines in SA as we possibly can. It's not a question of if, it's a question of how. And we've already acted to secure more land at the shipyards, following visits by the US and UK experts in Adelaide, and next week the US Armed Services Committee and the delegation visiting Osborne. That's how committed our AUKUS partners are to us having a build program in SA, because when I put the AUKUS deal together, the whole point wasn't just that we could have nuclear powered submarines, but that we would be adding to the number of nuclear powered submarines being built. So they're already building them in the United States and the United Kingdom. And the three of us, Joe Biden and myself and Boris Johnson wanted to see more of them built and have our capability to build them here in Australia to add. So I just wanted to be really clear. I mean, there's some mischievous things going on in sort of an electoral context, and we can't have that being played with Australia's national security. So I just want to put that to rest, absolutely.

GOODINGS: Well, you were quoted in the Australian as saying that the paramount goal is not to build them in Adelaide, but to ensure we get the capability as soon as we can?

PRIME MINISTER: Of course, we need to get the capability as soon as we can, but that doesn't change our commitment to what we're doing in South Australia, at all. At all. All I was saying yesterday was consistent with everything we've said, and so they are going to be built in South Australia. But the question was how much of them is going to be built in South Australia? And my answer to that is as much as we possibly can. I mean, obviously, the reactors are not things we can do in South Australia, and there are, we haven't down-selected to the particular model yet. And so as a result, there'll be a lot of technical issues that we'll have to work through. But the whole point of the AUKUS agreement is to ensure that we have a capability to build nuclear powered submarines in Australia and that we're adding to the overall combined effect, combined force, of nuclear powered submarines that the AUKUS partners can put in the water. And so, you know, it's, you know, elections come up and people get a bit mischievous and sometimes can take things out of context. But I just want to be really clear about that. There's been no change to our commitment. And as you can see from the work that is being done, the visits that are being undertaken, you know, we've been very clear about our commitment. And that's exactly what we'll do.

GOODINGS: You can't quantify, though, how much of the submarines will be built here?

PRIME MINISTER: Well, no one can. I mean, because we haven't down-selected to the actual submarine. Obviously, the nuclear reactors can't be built in Australia, and everyone knows that. And then we have to work from there to determine those things that ... we can only build in Australia what we can actually build and everything we can build it is our intention to do just that.

GOODINGS: Prime Minister, thanks for calling in today. You obviously feel very concerned about this because you're a busy man. You're about to call the election, by the way. Can you tell us when it's going to be called?

PRIME MINISTER: Well, we'll be getting to that very shortly. And the election campaign, I think, is going to be very important, and that's why it needs to be, you know, fought on the issues and on the facts. And that's why I wanted to be sure that particularly on this question, of the building of submarines, that there was no doubt in the minds of people of South Australia and that, that words wouldn't be twisted or anything like that. We’re the government that actually has stepped forward on this. We're the ones who've stepped forward with the Hunter Frigates. We've already completed a massive part of the shipyard down there at Osbourne to that task, and we're getting on with that, and there's thousands and thousands of jobs. But those jobs aren't just about ensuring that we have that economic advantage. It's also about ensuring we have the defence advantage of sovereign capability of building, manufacturing our defence assets, and that's what keeps Australians safe.

GOODINGS: There's been a lot of negative reaction to the fact that the cancellation of the French submarine was going to cost us $5.5 billion.

PRIME MINISTER: I've seen that report, I mean, provisions are made, but that's, no that's not what is necessarily at the end of the day, how these things will be settled. But I mean, the fundamental question there is, and we would, we would, would have ended up building a submarine that events had overtaken. I mean, having a conventionally powered submarine out in the next generation is not what was going to deliver for Australia. And so, I took the hard decision, which said no, we need to change tact. We need to go for something better and we were able to achieve that with the AUKUS arrangement, the most significant defence arrangement in 70 years since ANZUS. And that gives us the capability. You know, you don't just keep going with something because, you know, it might be difficult not to. You've got to make the right decisions in the national interest and this is the right decision. And, we took those issues into account when we made that decision.

GOODINGS: Australia's going to build hypersonic missiles. Is this a sign of the times with what's happening in Ukraine and the, the sort of situation with China?

PRIME MINISTER: Well, certainly, but things that we had already planned for, and that the AUKUS agreement when we pulled it together, had these elements built into it, and we've now announced that that's been part of the agreement. We've said for some years now that we need to extend our long range defence capability and the development of hypersonic weapons is critical to that. And that's why the AUKUS agreement is so transformational for Australia. It isn't just about nuclear powered submarines, it's about quantum, it's about artificial intelligence, it's about cyber. As you know, in the Budget, we put $10 billion, just shy of that, into our cyber warfare, offensive and defensive capabilities because the first shots fired in any conflict these days won't be out of a gun, they'll be to disable and dismantle and disrupt our energy, our banking systems, all of this. And that's why we need to invest in those cyber capabilities. And that's a key part of the AUKUS arrangement as well. It is massively enabling us to upscale our capabilities together with our biggest and most trusted partners, the United States and the United Kingdom.

GOODINGS: Prime Minister, thanks for calling in today. Appreciate your call.

PRIME MINISTER: Thank you very much for your time. I appreciate it.

https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-43944

Interview with Neil Breen, 4BC

7 April 2022

Neil Breen: Good morning to you, Prime Minister.

Prime Minister: Good morning, Neil.

Breen: What did you make of that attack from Cameron Dick yesterday?

Prime Minister: Well, there's been a lot of politicisation of these terrible disasters, but Australians, Queenslanders just want these issues addressed and, and already we've supported the 50/50 program they put to us, which was over a half a billion dollars. And that was for small business grants and sport and recreational grants for places affected, primary producers. And we've also already paid out $379 million directly to Queenslanders, and they will know that.

But look, Neil, what we want to ensure is that people don't get left behind here. And while yes, we have spent more than the state government has even committed to these projects to this time, well, I've spoken to my, particularly my colleagues overnight, Julian Simmonds and others and Trevor Evans. And we believe that, you know, if Queensland wants to play politics with floods before an election - well, that's up to them. But what I want to make sure is that people are getting the support they need now.

Now the requests that the Queensland Government have made for this further support, they go well beyond any other request for floods of this nature in the past. They are things that are the state government's responsibility, but it's pretty clear they want to play politics with this. I don't want to play politics with this. I just want to make sure people are getting the support that they need. So we'll meet that, the 50/50 costs, but there'll be a couple of conditions. First of all, Neil, the Queensland Government is currently sitting on $52 million in their bank account that we have provided them over the last three years for various disasters that was supposed to help people. It's just sitting in their bank account. They haven't even spent it. And so my cautiousness in agreeing to a request from the Queensland Government on the eve of an election, I think people might be able to understand when they won't even tell you how much they've already spent on the money we've already committed to in this flood crisis alone. I can tell you every day yesterday it was $370. Today it's $379. That's how much the Commonwealth Government has already paid out to support flood victims in South East Queensland. I can't tell you what the Queensland Government has done with the $280 million we've committed to them in a 50/50 program for their first request, because they don't tell anyone. There has to be greater transparency about this.

I mean, we don't want to have politicking over the support that is provided in times of natural disaster. And I must say, normally we've worked very closely with the Queensland Government and were throughout the course of the floods. But as we're coming into this election, I think people can see what's going on here. And so yes, we will provide that support. Yes, it is beyond the scope of what is normally done. These are things the Queensland Government should be doing because it is their responsibility.

But we're in the current situation where the Commonwealth Government has already paid out more money to people in Queensland, than the Queensland Government has even committed to spend on these issues up until the request they've just made.

Breen: So, so, can I just ask, so what are you asking for, in return for you to pay half of the $771 - well, you're actually paying half of of a component of it already - but to pay half of it, what are you asking them to do in return exactly?

Prime Minister: I want them to be transparent with the payments that are being made. I want them to report to the public. I want them to be able to answer your question.

Breen: Yep.

Prime Minister: So, Treasurer Dick, when or how much has been paid? How much is being paid to Queenslanders? I can tell you the answer to that question from the Commonwealth - $379 million. But we need transparency. These big announcements and commitments are made by the Queensland Government, but how much have they actually paid to people? It has been many weeks now since we gave them the commitment to 50/50 funding on small business grants, not-for-profit grants, sports and recreational grants, primary producers. That was a $558.5 million program, which we agreed to weeks ago. How much money have they paid out? I don't know. They won't tell us.

Breen: No, they don't, they don't. They won't tell us about quarantine costs. There's a lot of things they don't tell us about. Hey, the $52 million, Prime Minister, from previous disasters. What's that all about?

Prime Minister: Well, what happens when you have disasters is you commit to funding to support and then you make payments to the states, and then they have to acquit that for the purposes it was sent to them. But where they don't spend it, they get to hold onto it. And that's what the Queensland Government did, and they've got $52 million right now that they haven't spent on previous disasters. They should be spending that money on things like flood mitigation. Now, we've talked about that before. They've also asked us for more money for flood mitigation. They've been sitting on $52 million of the Commonwealth's money, already that that could have been done to those projects.

So there's not a transparency here, I think, Neil, and that's the problem. We're happy to support and we are. So, what this will mean with our commitment today, is that there's been $1.9 billion committed between the state government and the Federal government to supporting the Queensland flood response. $1.3 billion of that will be coming from the Federal Government. So that doesn't sound like 50/50 to me. But people who have been affected by floods don't want this politicking and fighting. They just want it sorted out. So I'm happy to do that.

But I think it's important to be very clear that there's got to be transparency arrangements around this. Now, the Minister, Minister McKenzie, she'll be standing up later today and she'll talk more about these things. But one of the things she's also insisting on is we need a fairer deal about how we manage these disasters in the future. Because the Commonwealth, we always stump up. That $379 million on Commonwealth disaster payments, which people received immediately - those $1000 payments. We paid for that 100 per cent. We don't ask the state governments for it. We just get the job done. Now, in the future, if there's going to be, you know, more of these requests that come, then we want to know from the state governments, what are you doing on flood mitigation? What are you doing on hazard reduction? What are you doing on planning and approvals over where people can put houses and build them? Because the state, the state governments hold all the levers when it comes to protecting people on the ground from these disasters, and then when their policy failures come through, they just try and send the bill to the Federal Government, so it's not taking responsibility. We're happy to have shared responsibility here, and I think I'm demonstrating that today.

We've made a reasonable response. It was politicised by the state government, so I'm just not going to allow that to go on. So we'll stump up, but I'm looking forward to the Queensland Government being more transparent about this, we're now meeting two thirds of the cost of the flood response in Queensland. And I'm not counting things like Defence Force support and things like that. State government, of course, does things through the State Emergency Services, and they all do a terrific job. But when it comes to direct financial support, two thirds of the support for the South East Queensland flood victims is coming from the Commonwealth Government, and we've already spent more directly than the state government has even committed to, prior to this most recent request.

Breen: Prime Minister Scott Morrison, thanks for your time today. You've returned serve to that. You've returned serve to the Queensland Government. We'll see what their response is.

Prime Minister: Thanks very much, Neil. Good to chat.

https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-43943

AUKUS Leaders' Level Statement

6 April 2022

Today, the leaders of the Australia-UK-US (AUKUS) partnership – Prime Minister Scott Morrison of Australia, Prime Minister Boris Johnson of the United Kingdom, and President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. of the United States – assessed progress under AUKUS.

We reaffirmed our commitment to AUKUS and to a free and open Indo-Pacific. In light of Russia’s unprovoked, unjustified, and unlawful invasion of Ukraine, we reiterated our unwavering commitment to an international system that respects human rights, the rule of law, and the peaceful resolution of disputes free from coercion.

We are pleased with the progress in our trilateral program for Australia to establish a conventionally armed, nuclear-powered submarine capability. We are fully committed to establishing a robust approach to sharing naval propulsion technology with Australia that strengthens the global non-proliferation regime.

We also committed today to commence new trilateral cooperation on hypersonics and counter-hypersonics, and electronic warfare capabilities, as well as to expand information sharing and to deepen cooperation on defense innovation. These initiatives will add to our existing efforts to deepen cooperation on cyber capabilities, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, and additional undersea capabilities. As our work progresses on these and other critical defense and security capabilities, we will seek opportunities to engage allies and close partners.

[Ends]

Please see fact sheet for more details:

• AUKUS fact sheet - PDF

• AUKUS fact sheet - Word Doc

https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-44184

Joint Media Statement - AUKUS Leaders' Level Statement

6 April 2022

Today, the leaders of the Australia-UK-US (AUKUS) partnership – Prime Minister Scott Morrison of Australia, Prime Minister Boris Johnson of the United Kingdom, and President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. of the United States – assessed progress under AUKUS.

We reaffirmed our commitment to AUKUS and to a free and open Indo-Pacific. In light of Russia’s unprovoked, unjustified, and unlawful invasion of Ukraine, we reiterated our unwavering commitment to an international system that respects human rights, the rule of law, and the peaceful resolution of disputes free from coercion.

We are pleased with the progress in our trilateral program for Australia to establish a conventionally armed, nuclear-powered submarine capability. We are fully committed to establishing a robust approach to sharing naval propulsion technology with Australia that strengthens the global non-proliferation regime.

We also committed today to commence new trilateral cooperation on hypersonics and counter-hypersonics, and electronic warfare capabilities, as well as to expand information sharing and to deepen cooperation on defense innovation. These initiatives will add to our existing efforts to deepen cooperation on cyber capabilities, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, and additional undersea capabilities. As our work progresses on these and other critical defense and security capabilities, we will seek opportunities to engage allies and close partners.

• AUKUS Fact Sheet

https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-44185